Here are a collection of quotes which defend Post-Stalin U.S.S.R.

Part 6 of This Series:

Reading List On Post-Stalin U.S.S.R.:

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Khrushchev Quotes:

“I started working as soon as I learned how to walk. Until the age of fifteen, I worked as a shepherd. I tended, as the foreigners say when they use the Russian language, ‘the little cows,’ I was a sheepherder, I herded cows for a capitalist, and that was before I was fifteen. After that, I worked at a factory for a German, and I worked in a French-owned mine, I worked at a Belgian-owned chemical factory, and [now] I’m the Prime Minister of the great Soviet state. And I am in no way ashamed of my past because all work is worthy of respect. Work as such cannot be dirty, it is only conscience that can be”  - N.S. Khrushchev

"The power of our society and state in connection with the transformation of the dictatorship of the proletariat into a national state is not only not weakening, but, on the contrary, is increasing many times, because new sources of our power are being added to the former sources of our strength. Along with the constant increase in economic potential, the social base of our state has strengthened and expanded, the society has become unified and monolithic as never before. And this is the main source of the state’s strength. Every worker, every peasant, every intellectual can say: the state is we, his policy is our policy, the task is to develop and strengthen him, to protect him from all encroachments - this is our common task. (Prolonged applause). And why, in fact, is the state itself preserved, although the main thing that gave rise to it, class antagonism, has disappeared? This is explained by the fact that the tasks that society can solve only with the help of the state have not yet been exhausted. These tasks and functions of the socialist state are clearly defined in the draft Program of our party. - N.S. Khrushchev

“Our State, which arose as a state of the dictatorship of the proletariat, developed at a new, modern stage into a state of the whole people, an organ of expression of the interests and will of the whole people. Insofar as the working class is the most advanced, organised force of the Soviet society, it exercises its leading role even during the period of extensive Communist construction. The working class will complete its role as leader of society with the construction of Communism when the classes disappear” - N.S. Khrushchev

“The dictatorship of the proletariat born of the socialist revolution played a world-historic role in securing the victory of socialism in the U.S.S.R. At the same time, in the process of building socialism she herself has undergone changes. In connection with the liquidation of the exploiting classes, the function of suppressing their resistance has died out” - N.S. Khrushchev

“Naturally, when socialism won in our country completely and finally, and we entered the period of the expanded the building of Communism, the conditions that caused the need for a dictatorship of the proletariat, its internal tasks were done” - N.S. Khrushchev

“I would like to focus on some of the fundamental issues of modern international development that determine not only the course of current events, but also future prospects. These are questions about the peaceful coexistence of the two systems, about the possibility of preventing wars in the modern era and about the forms of transition of various countries to socialism” - N.S. Khrushchev

“When we talk about the fact that in the competition of two systems - capitalist and socialist - will win the socialist system, this does not at all mean that victory will be achieved through the armed intervention of the socialist countries in internal affairs of the capitalist countries” - N.S. Khrushchev

“The stated provisions of the Marxist-Leninist theory are they also overturn the notorious formulation of the question of “ex-port of the revolution ”. It is Marxism, in contrast to all bourgeois ideological concepts, proved that revolutions occur do not occur by order, not because of the desires of individuals, but due to the natural course of the historical process. “Of course,” Lenin pointed out, “there are people who think that a revolution can be born in a foreign country by order, by co-announcement. These people are either madmen or provocateurs… We know that they cannot be made either by order or by agreement that they grow when tens of millions of people come to the conclusion that it is impossible to live like this any longer” - N.S. Khrushchev

“In this fight against the skeptics and capitulators, the Trotskyites, Zinovievites, Bukharinites and Kamenevites, there was definitely welded together, after Lenin’s death, that leading core of the Party… that upheld the great banner of Lenin, rallied the Party behind Lenin’s behests, and brought the Soviet people onto the broad paths of industrialising the country and collectivising the rural economy. The leader of this core and the guiding force of the Party and the state was Comrade Stalin” - N.S. Khrushchev

“Three weeks later (After the Secret Speech), before eight hundred guests at a Chinese Embassy reception, he declared that being a Communist was ‘inseparable from being a Stalinist,’ so that even though ‘mistakes’ had been made in the struggle against the enemies of Marxism-Leninism, ‘may God grant that every Communist will be able to fight for the interests of the working class as Stalin fought.’ Communism’s enemies had tried to exploit his criticism of Stalin’s shortcomings to undermine the Soviet regime. But ‘nothing will come of this, gentlemen, any more than you will be able to see your ears without a mirror’”

Part 7:

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    “‘In the Romanian capital of Bucharest, at the International Meeting of Communist and Workers Parties (November 1960), Mao and Khrushchev respectively attacked the Soviet and the Chinese interpretations of Marxism-Leninism as the wrong road to world socialism in the U.S.S.R. and in China. Mao said that Khrushchev’s emphases on consumer goods and material plenty would make the Soviets ideologically soft and un-revolutionary, to which Khrushchev replied: ‘If we could promise the people nothing, except revolution, they would scratch their heads and say: ‘Isn’t it better to have good goulash?’’

    ‘In the context of the tri-polar Cold War, Khrushchev doubted Mao’s mental sanity, because his unrealistic policies of geopolitical confrontation might provoke nuclear war between the capitalist and the Communist blocs. To thwart Mao’s warmongering, Khrushchev cancelled foreign-aid agreements and the delivery of Soviet atomic bombs to the P.R.C.’"

    “Our enemies like to depict us Leninists as advocates of violence always and everywhere. True, we recognise the need recognise the need for the revolutionary transformation of capitalist society into socialist society. It is this that distinguishes the revolutionary Marxists from the reformists, the opportunists. There is no doubt that in a number of capitalist countries the violent overthrow of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and the sharp aggravation of class struggle connected with this are inevitable. But the forms of social revolution vary. It is not true that we regard violence and civil war as the only way to remake society. It will be recalled that in the conditions that arose in April 1917 Lenin granted the possibility that the Russian Revolution might develop peacefully" - N.S. Khrushchev

    “Liberation wars will continue to exist as long as imperialism exists, as long as colonialism exists. These are revolutionary wars. Such wars are not only admissible but inevitable since the colonialists do not grant independence voluntarily… We recognise such wars, we help and will help the people striving for their independence… These uprisings must not be identified with wars among states, with local wars, since in these uprisings the people are fighting for implementation of their right for self-determination, for independence social and national development” - N.S. Khrushchev

    “The stated provisions of the Marxist-Leninist theory are they also overturn the notorious formulation of the question of ‘ex-port of the revolution’. It is Marxism, in contrast to all bourgeois ideological concepts, proved that revolutions occur do not occur by order, not because of the desires of individuals, but due to the natural course of the historical process. ‘Of course,’ Lenin pointed out, ‘there are people who think that a revolution can be born in a foreign country by order, by co-announcement. These people are either madmen or provocateurs… We know that they cannot be made either by order or by agreement that they grow when tens of millions of people come to the conclusion that it is impossible to live like this any longer” - N.S. Khrushchev

    “To strengthen the cause of peace in the entire world it would be of great importance to establish strong friendly relations between the two major powers of the world, the Soviet Union and the United States of America. We believe that if the basis of relations between the U.S.S.R. and the U.S.A. was based on the known five principles of peaceful coexistence, it would be truly a remarkable value for all of humanity and it would certainly be healthy to the people of America, no less than the peoples of the Soviet Union and all other nations. The principles are mutual respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty, non-aggression, non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, peaceful coexistence and economic cooperation are now shared and supported by two dozen states” - N.S. Khrushchev

    “In advocating peaceful coexistence, we of course have no intention of saying that there are no contradictions between socialism and capitalism, that complete ‘harmony’ can be established between them, or that it is possible to reconcile the Communist and bourgeois ideologies. Such a viewpoint would be tantamount to retreating from Marxism-Leninism. The ideological differences are irreconcilable and will continue so” - N.S. Khrushchev

    “Berlin is the testicles of the West… Every time I want to make the West scream, I squeeze on Berlin” - N.S. Khrushchev

    “The system under which some states sell arms to others is not for our invention. France, Britain and the United States have long since been supplying arms to very many countries, and particularly to the countries whose governments take the most hostile attitude towards the Soviet Union. Therefore we have nothing else to do but to act in the same way. We sell arms to countries which ask us to do so and want to be friendly with us. Apparently they buy arms because they fear the countries which you supply with arms. Thus we are doing only the same thing which you have been doing for a long time. If the Western powers want to come to agreement on this score, we are willing to do so. We said this as far back as 1955 in London and made a statement to this effect. The Soviet Union is prepared to reach agreement that no country should sell its arms to any other country” - N.S. Khrushchev

    “Our enemies like to depict us Leninists as advocates of violence always and everywhere. True, we recognise the need recognise the need for the revolutionary transformation of capitalist society into socialist society. It is this that distinguishes the revolutionary Marxists from the reformists, the opportunists. There is no doubt that in a number of capitalist countries the violent overthrow of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and the sharp aggravation of class struggle connected with this are inevitable. But the forms of social revolution vary. It is not true that we regard violence and civil war as the only way to remake society. It will be recalled that in the conditions that arose in April 1917 Lenin granted the possibility that the Russian Revolution might develop peacefully… Leninism teaches us that the ruling class will not surrender their power voluntarily. And the greater or lesser degree of intensity which the struggle may assume, the use or the non-use of violence in the transition to socialism, depends on the resistance of the exploiters, on whether the exploiting class itself resorts to violence, rather than the proletariat. In this connection the question arises of whether it is possible to go over to socialism by using parliamentary means. No such course was open to the Russian bolsheviks… Since then, however, the historical situation has undergone radical changes which make possible a new approach to the question. The forces of socialism and democracy have grown immeasurably throughout the world, and capitalism has become much weaker… In these circumstances the working class, by ralling around itself the working peasantry, the intelligentsia, all patriotic forces, and resolutely repulsing the opportunist elements who are incapable of giving up the policy of compromise with the capitalists and landlords, is in a position to defeat the reactionary forces opposed to the interests of the people, to capture a stable majority in parliament, and transform the latter from an organ of bourgeois democracy into a genuine instrument of the people’s will… In the countries where capitalism is still strong and has a huge military and police apparatus at its disposal, the reactionary forces will, of course, inevitably offer serious resistance. There the transition to socialism will be attended by a sharp class, revolutionary struggle. Whatever the form of transition to socialism, the decisive and indispensible factor is the political leadership of the working class headed by its vanguard. Without this there can be no transition to socialism” - N.S. Khrushchev