For most of the 1930s, Czechoslovakia and Romania were both ‘democracies’ (by neoliberal standards, of course) that were soon to mutate into a property of the Third Reich and a minor Axis power, respectively.

One of the most popular political parties in the Kingdom of Romania was the Liberal Party. The Liberal Party was the winning party from 1933 until losing an election in December 1937, but not to worry, that was plenty of time to set the stage for monarchofascism in 1938. Quoting Grant T. Harward’s Romania’s Holy War:

Legionaries brawled in the streets during the election, but the Liberals won handily. On 10 December, the new prime minister, Ion Duca, outlawed the Iron Guard, and on 29 December three Legionaries assassinated him in revenge. […] Before his murder, Duca appointed General [Ion] Antonescu as chief of staff, with a mission to renegotiate arms contracts. […]

Antonescu should be seen not as a naïve soldier who dabbled in politics but as an opportunistic politician with a military background. Without him it is less likely Romania would have later committed itself so fully to [Fascist] Germany’s war effort on the eastern front. Antonescu’s promotion to chief of staff, jumping ahead of more senior officers, was a key step on his path to dictator.

(Evidently, the Liberals’ outlawing of the Iron Guard was probably about as stern and ruthless as the Weimar Republic’s own suppression of Fascism earlier.)

In April 1935, with the economy improving, the [Kingdom of Romania’s] Liberals passed a ten‐year rearmament plan to modernize and expand the military to twenty‐two infantry divisions, three cavalry divisions, three mountain brigades, and one armored brigade. The Liberal government also enacted pre‐military training. While some arms contracts went to local manufacturers, large numbers of heavy weapons could only be obtained from abroad.

France was unwilling to sell to Romania because it was rearming itself (in reaction to [Fascist] Germany’s rearmament), nor was France willing to subsidize Romania’s purchases of modern weaponry, because the French Army judged the Romanian Army as inept and not worth the investment. Czechoslovakia was willing, so in 1936 an agreement was signed worth 2.5 billion lei; Czechoslovak investors bought Romanian bonds to help finance the deal, and soon 70 percent of Romania’s heavy weapons came from Czechoslovakia.

[…]

[The Third Reich] needed Romania’s oil, food, and raw materials and was willing to pay with manufactured goods, so in 1936 Romania adopted a position of neutrality between the Western Allies and [the Third Reich] in an increasingly bellicose Europe. Soon half of Romania’s trade was with [the Third Reich].

Not only this, but the Kingdom of Romania was easily Fascist Italy’s most important source of oil, even during the reinvasion of Ethiopia. Quoting Prof. Gian Giacomo Migone’s The United States and Fascist Italy, page 328:

When […] in Geneva the extension of the embargos to oil was being seriously considered, Italy had already begun revising its import strategy for raw materials. First of all there was a drop in imports from those countries that appeared most hostile to Mussolini’s Ethiopian project and were most committed to the sanctions already in place. The imports from the Soviet Union, while remaining consistent, diminished notably starting in 1934. The same was true for Iran, which marked its total dependence on British imperial policy.

Imports from the United States, however, grew proportionally starting in the autumn of 1935. This impression is strengthened by observing the data regarding the imports directly to the theater of war, which throw into greater relief the political influence on the overall configuration of Italian imports. Romania not only remained the principal source but increased its overall share during the period considered.

(Emphasis added in all cases.)

ETA: Concerning Fascist propaganda in prefascist Romania:

In conclusion, by the mid‐1930s, although Italian cinema was not in the top three of the Romanians[’] preferences, it had still [accomplished] important work [in] promoting across the country key messages and symbols of the Fascist ideology. What [could one] see in the propaganda films sent to Bucharest and to the main cities?

The changing face of Italy under [Fascism], its civilizing mission in Africa as the heir of Ancient Rome, the presumably overwhelming consent and enthusiasm of the population towards the dictatorship and Il Duce, all championed the Fascist cause in front of the Romanian spectators’ eyes in a standardized manner, according to the official narrative.

Were they influential? It might look that way since not only simple Italian emigrants and young Romanians, but also prominent public figures were keen to participate [in] such movie projections and continuously asked for more.

(Source.)